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Thanks to John Welsh's lucid account, we may now dig away
the layers of historical mould that have covered the tragedy of 20 January 1945 for so long, and
piece together a reconstruction of the likely sequence of events.
Scrutinizing our source materials, we must take care not to miss significant
clues. Next, drawing on our background knowledge, we may contribute to the
emerging mosaic a few missing pieces of our own. Then, to complete the
"big picture" (as far as is still possible), we need to place into
position some hopefully not unreasonable conclusions.
Swiss
border guards intentions are questionable and ulterior motive
hypothesized
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First,
the two fumbling Füsiliere of 92 Bat. Although
there is not a shred of proof in any document,
it is possible, even probable, that the
two shadowy figures in Swiss army greatcoats
and wielding army rifles were Nazi/fascist
sympathizers.
From the moment they
spotted them, they would have suspected
the newcomers were runaway Allied escaped
prisoners of war. Their identification as
such was quickly established. Indeed, that
they were britische Soldaten and other Allied
personnel was repeatedly shouted into their
unneutral ears by the wholly unsuspecting
Welsh. The last thing on their minds was,
to follow orders and escort the new arrivals
to Cortaggio where the English-speaking
corporal in charge would most likely have
welcomed them to Switzerland. But if they
were mere "Wops", they could risk
turning them out with impunity (at that
time Switzerland was bulging with 22,000
Italian war refugees). And if problems arose,
they could count on all like-minded Swiss
soldiers to look the other way – including
the Cortaggio corporal. The charade worked
like a charm.
Tea is a clue. Tea
was offered to the obstinate English-speaking
Hoyne as a bribe to make him go voluntarily
into the "chalet" (read: hut)
and stay there. It was not for nothing that,
when the tea instead reached the =EF official's
desk on 16 February, a quick sleight of
hand turned it into a nondescript "hot
drink". Such were the pains that were
taken to avoid hinting, let alone mention,
that the foreign refugees were English speakers.
Forging
on, we might as well place the remaining
pieces into position.
1. It did not
take the soldiers long to realize their
malevolent plan of expelling their captives
could not be accomplished before darkness
enveloped the valley (thus jeopardizing
their return walk from the ridge at the
top). So they diverted the ten tired, shivering,
hungry and thirsty men to their "barracks".
This turned out to be one of the empty huts
on the nearby Arolgia meadow. (Welsh's very
steep path was one which the group had obviously
not used going down.)
2. What already
counted against them were (a) ten wrongful
arrests, (b) disobeying explicit army orders
regarding refugees, and (c) gross negligence
concerning three weaker or ailing refugees
who should have been assisted not up but
down the mountain along the shortest route
to the nearest source of help.
3.
They dumped what was left of the slow-moving
refugee group some distance from the selected
hut, and ordered them to go inside. Taking
no chances with the missing men who might
yet recover and escape, they set out to
find them. They would bundle them into the
hut along with the others. Then they could
wash their hands of the lot and skedaddle
downhill to their real barracks.
4.
It is highly likely that the Füsiliere believed
(or hoped) that the apparently collapsing
foreigners – all potential witnesses of
their despicable conduct – would not last
the night on the lonely, snow-bound meadow,
in a mere hut, with no food, in sub-zero
temperatures and far away from human help
or habitation. Anyone arriving on the scene
next day or even later would find several
dead, frozen bodies. Even if they were somehow
implicated, the Füsiliere could always claim
they "had tried to do their best to
help their foreign comrades" – words
which were to surface, unerringly, in the
=EF report.
5. Instead of finding
the troublesome trio whose delays had put
paid to the exit march, they found their
corpses. The Italian-speaking man who had
assisted them earlier was gone (they also
missed one Russian who was by now well on
his way downhill). The afternoon's shenanigan
to kick out "a dozen" unwanted
foreigners turned into a real crisis. A
possible disciplinary hearing into their
misdemeanours was now the least of their
worries. What loomed ahead was a court-martial
with three charges of culpable homicide
short of murder.
6. Knowing that
dead men tell no tales, the Füsiliere dragged
the bodies much further away from the places
where they had found them. It would then
appear that three refugees had foolishly
strayed from the "road" (read:
path), making it, alas, impossible for any
night searchers to have found them in time
to save their lives. The snowfall would
obliterate any incriminating signs. Not
surprisingly, the bodies were, found next
day where they were supposed to be found:
far off the path. Point 3 of the =EF report
squared seamlessly with faithfully reported
facts.
7. Stripping off their military
gloves, they thoughtfully slipped them on
the cold hands of two corpses. Even that
small detail –no doubt noticed and reported
by the recovery team next day. – would find
its way into the =EF document (... lending
them their gloves...). More "proof"
that the twosome had "done their best".
8.
The two soldiers indeed departed. But not
to seek help. One returned to the Hoyne
group which was still outside the hut. (They
were clearly waiting for the two armed menaces
to tire of their cat and mouse game and
clear off, before resuming their downhill
trek.) Speaking to Hoyne, the man in charge
(no Swiss could speak Russian), the soldier
persuaded him and the Russians to move inside
–but only after hoodwinking him into believing
that tea and food would be brought up.
9.
The other accomplice hastened to the Cortaggio
post where he reported to the sentry on
duty (presumably the corporal of Welsh's
later acquaintance) that although some wretched
Italian refugees were on the mountain, there
was no need to worry – all were well, and
safe and snug inside a chalet supplied with
firewood.
10. For their deception
to succeed it was necessary (a) that the
refugees stayed where they were; (b) that
the corporal did not venture out prematurely
to look them up (it was a safe bet that
he would hardly worry about "Wop"
refugees inside a chalet, who were no doubt
warming themselves in front of a cosy fire).
11.
Instead of freezing to death, six much recovered
ghosts emerged from their flimsy shelter
half an hour before noon next day and drifted
downhill. Rfm. John Welsh erred in asserting
that "We passed the bodies of McGowan,
Lundgren and Clarke at the places where
I had left them the night before."
Unencumbered by invalids, hurrying to get
to the safety of the Swiss town, and with
a landscape that looked very different in
broad daylight, he evidently did not notice
the significantly altered positions of the
corpses if, indeed, he saw McGowan's body
at all.
12. The Füsiliere were unaware
that the commotion at the time of the arrests
had been loud enough to attract the attention
of an unseen witness. Even if Pte. Frost,
lower down but still within earshot, had
not actually seen what was causing the shouting,
he certainly heard it and drew his own conclusions.
13.
As the pro-Allied Italian partisans and
the three guides knew (no doubt from their
associates, the contraband runners): once
the awkward ridge on the Italian side had
been conquered, the way down to the Swiss
lakeside town was not too difficult, even
for novices. The safe arrival in Brissago
of the Rowe and Frost groups was sufficient
proof of that. Moreover, a successful one-man
descent at night and in apparently foul
weather was undertaken by the Russian whom
Welsh had encountered with McGowan. (This
last inference is based on the fact that
no more deaths – apart from the three known
ones – were reported.)
14. Finally,
if there were language difficulties, they
existed solely between the Swiss soldiers
and the Russians. But since the latter at
all times remained close to their English-speaking
friends, the "difficulty" was
made up.
To fit in a further detail:
Rfm. Welsh's assumption that the Swiss corporal's
(belated) presence next morning was thanks
to a report made by his companions – which
included his own brother – was correct.
They did so the minute they walked into
Brissago some time before 1800 hours. But
the town's army post, evidently after waiting
some time for the stragglers to show up,
telephoned their man at Cortaggio much later
to alert him that people were on the mountain
and could freeze to death. The reason for
his non-action has been explained. The extent
of his complicity is another matter. Was
the line so indistinct that the words "British
refugee soldiers" came out as “…wretched
Italian/Wop refugees, so don't bother"?
We shall never know.
USAAF Sgt. Leonard
Hoyne – the luckiest survivor of "Baby
Shoes" – left Switzerland on 10 February.
He went to Annecy in France, and reached
his home in the USA on 10 April.[17] The Dominion
men left in early March, first to Britain,
then to their respective countries.
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Strained
Swiss-Anglo/American Relations
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Perhaps
the deaths should be viewed in the context
of a particularly fraught phase in Swiss-Anglo/American
relations which characterized the first
months of 1945. The minds of top-ranking
Swiss, particularly at Foreign Affairs,
were fully occupied.
On 15 January
the US State Department, intent on breaking
up what was perceived to be Switzerland's
far too close and complaisant banking, financial,
industrial and trade links with Nazi Germany,
tossed a tough package of demands into the
neutral government's lap. The measures were
designed to cut completely, or at least
reduce significantly, all Swiss-German ties,
contracts or arrangements that were deemed
unacceptable or repugnant to the soon-to-be
victors in the all-out war against Hitler.
To
ensure the Swiss got the message, the American
president dispatched a hectoring mission,
headed by Laughlin Currie, to Berne. It
arrived by train on 11 February. After
three weeks of arm-twisting at the negotiation
table, the American-led delegation triumphed
when they got their counterparts to sign,
on, 8 March, the historic Currie Agreement.
Throughout
the turbulent war years the Swiss had clung
tenaciously to their state maxims of absolute
neutrality and sovereignty. Now they were
ignominiously "rewarded" with
the punitive Currie Diktat. What additional
steps (they might have feared) would be
in store if the awkward truth about the
circumstances surrounding the "Gridone"
deaths became known? No less than six Allied
governments were ranged against them: the
much-feared United States; Britain and her
associated governments of South Africa,
Australia and New Zealand; and that ominous
new player in Europe, the Soviet Union.
Even the new Italian socialist government
might look askance at some prevailing attitudes
in la Svizzera. It would have been an inauspicious
first step into a fundamentally realigned
post-war world – one from which Switzerland
was determined not be excluded.
Perhaps
we should pause to contemplate what the
most likely verdict of an impartial hearing
– which Brig. Cartwright had expected –
might have been. Possibly, that the irresponsible
chicanery of two or three xenophobic greenhorns
had led to the deaths of three escaped prisoners
of war – but only indirectly, as extenuating
circumstances were present. After all, McGowan
and Lundgren were weak because they had
not eaten any rice, and Clarke was weak
because he may already have been ill.
Had
the Swiss authorities summoned the courage
to conduct an open, impartial inquiry, the
matter could have been cleared up – and
without any lasting damage to Switzerland's
reputation. As the UK's experienced military
representative in Berne might have intimated
to the angst-ridden confederates: "It
is not your neutrality which is being weighed
and found wanting, but merely the criminal
conduct of two or three rotten apples within
the ranks of 92 Mountain Battalion."
History must record that, whatever their
motives, the top echelon of the Swiss government
was unable to recognize the difference.
Another
irony is that the Füsiliere's excessive
anglophobia was groundless. With the western
border open in 1945 no évadé would have
been permitted to remain on neutral soil
longer than necessary.
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Lt.
Hoynes's account scant and devoid of facts
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But
if a trial was never on the agenda – would
not the world sit up and take notice if
the surviving American "Gridone"
man spoke up and told the truth? Alas, no.
Bomber gunner Leonard Hoyne seemed to suffer
from instant post-war amnesia. Shortly after
returning home, Hoyne, whose assistance
was required in a routine USAAF inquiry
into the loss of "Baby Shoes",
wrote on the air force's casualty questionnaire
in black on white that:
Sgt Lundgren,
Donald W, and S/Sgt McGowan, John J, died
in the Italian Alps in northern Italy on
January 20, 1945. I was with them when they
died from exposure, which was brought on
because of lack of food.[18]
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Italian
Alps? Italy? Brig. Cartwright might have
thrown an apoplectic fit at such American
small-town naiviety. But Uncle Sam, with
only a broken reed to lean on, would have
needed more than an Alpenstock had he wished
to prod the Swiss into disclosing the truth
about the Mt. Gridone deaths.
We
should note that it was not the erring Hoyne,
but a caring South African who was "with
them" when the two Americans perished
in the neutral snow of Switzerland. (Continued)
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